My 4 Year Old Has A Temperature Of 96.5

In 2007 there were 15 elections in 14 states to elect local authorities 1.708. The states where elections were held were: Baja California, Durango, Sinaloa, Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Michoacán, Tlaxcala, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapas, Yucatan, Veracruz, Tamaulipas and Chihuahua. In three states

was no choice of Governor: Yucatán, Baja California and Michoacán. In the remaining states were verified municipal elections and local deputies.

In the 14 elections there were 31.9 million votes, of which 42% received the PRI, the PAN and the PRD 32%, 16%.

These are the most important facts and figures of the electoral process of 2007: PRI



* Yucatan recovered after losing the last 6 years.
* won 9 of the 14 funds that were in play, including 3 states with no rules: Aguascalientes, Morelia and Tlaxcala.
* Won all electoral districts in 4 states: Durango, Puebla, Oaxaca and Tamaulipas. In Veracruz won 28 of 30 districts.
* won in 60% of municipal presidencies 1.218. Compared to 2001 increased from 600 to 727 municipalities won, an increase of 21%.
* Your vote level fluctuated between 55% and 22%, obtaining the highest rate in the lower Tamaulipas and Tlaxcala. PAN



* retained Yucatan Baja California and lost.
* In Michoacán nearly doubled its vote compared to 2001, increased from 247 000 votes to 490 thousand.
* Compared to the number of mayors won 6 years ago, had a decline of 38%, going from 326 to 236.
* The highest percentage of votes won in Baja California (48%) and lowest in Oaxaca (13%). PRD



* Retained Michoacán with only 5 thousand votes more than those obtained by Lázaro Cárdenas Batel 6 years (557 thousand in 2001 compared to 562 thousand in 2007).
* went from 235 to 188 municipal presidents won compared to 2001.
* Half of the 14 states, received less than 10% of the vote being the entity Baja California where he received the lowest: 2.5%.

In 2008 there will be elections in six states: Baja California Sur, Coahuila, Guerrero, Hidalgo, Nayarit and Quintana Roo. There will be at stake any governor.

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The mafia stole our presidency

Of the five presidential candidates who competed in 2006, only two have published their testimony. One, Roberto Madrazo of the PRI in her book Treason (Planeta, 2007) . The other, Andrés Manuel López Obrador in The mafia stole our presidency (Grijalbo, 2007).

The origin of the text of former prime minister of the DF is a series of interviews with filmmaker Luis Mandoki him for a documentary on his life and political career, including impeachment, presidential election and post-election conflict last year. López Obrador

writes on a sheet of 300 leaves their travel blog. From Tabasco to the Head of Federal District Government, through the presidency of the PRI in Tabasco state, the search for the governorship of his native state and national leadership of the PRD.

The first chapter entitled "Tabasco and other things" includes personal aspects of AMLO, but also political. Obrador recounts his early years in the state that is more water than land, "which would leave to study at UNAM and would return to Carlos Pellicer hand first, and then Enrique Gonzalez Pedrero, but would also compete for the state government on two occasions (1988 and 1994).

In the second chapter, describes his tenure in the PRD's national president from 1996 to 1998 period when the party swept the Federal District in federal elections and won the governorships middle of Zacatecas, Tlaxcala and paved the way for do the same in Baja California Sur in 1999, the year in which the PAN coaligaría to dethrone the PRI in Nayarit.

His term of the Government of the country's capital, implementation of social policies for vulnerable groups work on the second floor of the peripheral, Paraje San Juan, the farm El Encino, the video scandals and impeachment are described in the penultimate chapter.

The fourth and last part, Lopez Obrador put on paper what has been repeated against the media: the July 2, 2006 election fraud was hatched against him. Before concluding, he noted that this year, 2007, Jan. 4, he began his tour of the country's municipalities, and once declared that as Juárez: "I just have taken a pen to our rooster."

The text includes important information on the evolution of political communication in Mexico.

On page 63, AMLO said that in 1996 "to the opposition political parties were not allowed to hire even television advertising to communicate." Ten years later, he would be the contestant with more spots on the television screens.

On page 94, Andrés Manuel describes the capital city as exceptional people, progressive, "generous, informed, conscientious and shrewd." Therefore, in the City "can not handle, this TV does not pass."

He adds: "When you do surveys of the capital and asked: Do you think that television reports or manipulated?, 50 percent answered: Manipulate. " In 2006, former candidate of the Coalition for the Good of All (PRD, PT, Convergence) spent on purchase of space to spread messages on television: 357.2 million pesos.

López Obrador, also shows his opinion on political marketing. "The campaign is not limited to advertising or marketing, because it was not to introduce a product to market, but to apply and communicate ideas for transforming the country.

"In addition, campaigns that are based solely upon advertisements require much money and we were not willing to get in return to subordinate principles and future decisions, submitting to interest groups "(p. 186).

Indeed, AMLO's campaign team was composed of hardcore, party people or former colleagues in the government of Mexico City. Did not hire consultants. At its close there was no specialist equipment.

addition, in the context of the 2006 election, between pages 210 and 217, are the answers to why the champion lost the presidency of the PRD. These are his words:

1. The "PAN promoted to the IFE ... the realization of a debate between candidates. As known to have an entire media strategy to make me appear on posdebate as the loser, I decided not to participate. "
2. In April and May, "not only was' a danger to Mexico ', it seemed to' Hugo Chavez 'would' indebted to the country ',' to expropriate the middle class' limit 'just you have an apartment, a car and two children per family ', but psychological studies were broadcast assumptions about me, which appeared as Crazy.
3. "There were those who, with airs of superiority, had, among other jokes, which was the Whiskas (brand of cat food) because eight out of ten cats (workers domestic) I prefer. "
4. "Despite all the dirty war, the end of the year we held the lead in most polls."
5. "However, the strategy of Fox, Salinas, Elba Esther Gordillo, Calderón and others of the same gang was, by then, not allowing for any reason our success."

Of these five key factors arising from the failure of AMLO:

1. Absence at the first debate.
2. PAN negative publicity.
3. "Dirty War."
4. Misreading of the polls.
5. Concerted action by stakeholders.

The reader may or may not according to the author of the book, but what you can not spare a The mafia stole the presidency us is that it is an essential text for understanding why Andrés Manuel López Obrador himself stood at 250 thousand votes to win the President of the Republic.

Cute Long About Me's For Myspace

In Mexico, a new electoral reform debate amending and supplementing a number of constitutional articles. On this, I had an exchange of views with two political consultants, Mentor Tijerina y Gabriela Salazar.

Mentor's position is different from that hold Gabriela and the author of this blog on the prohibition of parties and candidates to engage in radio and television spaces, as well as limiting the use of official time for the diffusion of spots.

I share the electronic exchange of letters:

To: Mentor Tijerina, Gabriela Salazar, Roberto Garza

From: Armando Rocha

Subject: Electoral Reform

Mexican democracy does not arise foundational pact but a series of reforms to the regulatory framework governing election campaigns, including two key areas: finance (public) party and access to mass media.

Indeed, insofar as opposition political parties during the PRI regime spaces gained more power through the ballot box, had access to more public funding and that allowed them to increase their presence in the media, especially on television.

More still, access to more financial resources to the parties allowed to professionalize their campaigns, ie, the parties were able to hire consultants, specialists and experts in various disciplines in order to draw up better strategies to persuade electorate.

Es un hecho que las reformas electorales, desde la LOPPE de 1977 hasta la de 1996, han impulsado la pluralidad y la competitividad políticas.

Sin embargo, una revisión rápida a las elecciones federales de los últimos 10 años, permitiría observar que de las cuatro que se han llevado a cabo, sólo la primera, la de 1997, está exenta de escándalos vinculados con dinero.

Los principales partidos políticos (PAN, PRI, PRD) han protagonizado los tres casos más sonados: Pemexgate, Amigos de Fox y Videoescándalos. Y la razón para recurrir a fuentes ilegales de financiamiento ha sido la misma: comprar más espacio en los medios de comunicación.

It is appropriate to recall a figure of the last federal election in May this year the Audit Commission released the IFE is not known who solved the cost of 281 000 spots that parties do not recognize as his own, and are equivalent to 37% of 757 000 advertisements that were detected were broadcast during the 2006 election.

It Audit Commission reported that the 2006 election campaign, the 2 000 62 million dollars spent on electronic media, television captured 67.05% 28.53% radio and print 4%.

With the above I argue that what worked for 10 years, opened the door to the competitiveness and ensure plurality, perverted today. Neither political parties nor the people are winning with this waste of resources, but the broadcasters (particularly Televisa) that are strengthening their coffers every three years.

therefore believe that, as envisaged by the Electoral Reform will have to shorten the campaign time, reduce public funding to parties, to prevent parties and candidates to purchase space in electronic media and limited only to the issuing official time spots.

No doubt this reform is incomplete, but I think it's a breakthrough that could serve as a launching pad for future initiatives integral.

Armando Rocha

************************************ *****************************************

I am concerned about the categorical ban for anyone other than the IFE can recruit spot on television. It is the French system, but in France the conditions are very different, it is a mature democracy, with citizens rather informados.En Mexico must not forget that the video was a key policy of democratization in Mexico and the opening of the old authoritarian system. Now they are returning to television spots close to drastic measures that are not well drafted and provided to discusión.Mis points are as follows:

I am in favor of limiting the video-politics as a means to rescue substance of policy, as expressed by Al Gore in The Assault on Reason ", or Joe Trippi in" The Revolution Will Not Be Televised. "

However, I believe that the recruitment of spots must have been restricted to campaign periods. I support the restriction of the ban. I am against a ban on hiring people television commercials, because I think that this itself is limited freedom of expression.

I am concerned that is given away with the video-politics in Mexico because we do not have the Internet as a substitute. There is even a passage of the first draft that never ceases to amaze, and I have not fully understood, is the fact that political spots bans also apply to the Internet. What senators are thinking ...?

I am concerned that is linked to video everything bad policy, but forget the good: thanks to TV commercials, the PRI lost its majority in the House in 97, and the Presidency in 2000. The opposition parties access to television was, without doubt, one of the key factors of democratization in Mexico.

I do not agree with a ban on negative campaigning: they are not going to criticize politicians for corrupt, crafty, or because their government proposals lead us to ruin.

It seems to handle television messages via the official times, will accentuate the solemnity of the policy, when the TV spot he had already removed that aspect. The policy runs the risk of leaving the city.

The formula for the distribution of official times for the matches on television: 30% equity conditions and 70% according to the previous vote, violates the principle of equality of conditions in the Democratic race, which is one of the principles of Democracy by Robert Dahl, how can we hope to minorities become majorities if competition for power is not equal?

The senators were inspired by countries like France and Britain banned political campaigns on television. So we left the model of American campaigns, to get closer to Europe but they forget that the last European campaigns have been made with the full line of American political marketing. If there was spots on TV, there were political video on the Internet, and of what quality.

Who wins with the ban on political commercials? Clear to me losing the television, but also loses the freedom of expression, and with it our democratic consolidation. Win the status quo, cronyism, parties that have structures of land, or otherwise, who have set up databases for earth campaign. Small parties lose. I'm not clear that democracy wins!

mt

************************************* **********************

I think the video actually policy was an important aspect in the process of democratic opening in Mexico, but today has been completely distosionada and misleading for one simple reason: the weakness of institutions in Mexico and anti-democratic context remains despite having free elections. The TV itself I think, does not affect a company unless that company is itself affected by the lack of key elements in its development (education, information, culture and political participation, etc..), Which Dahl calls also enlightened understanding. Is a structural problem in the country, I do not think that videopolitics. What is worrying is the intrusion of economic power that the media in politics as this necessarily leads to colonization of the policy (as Habermas would say) by the real power groups and factual.

To me what worries me is two things: We

apparently a one-party system, a state party to a plural, which, however, fails to materialize or consolidate positive but quite the opposite, but especially a power party that has no limits or rules. In other words, parties were once crushed by the system and now are the new monsters and the state system, and worse, far society, without liability or legal boundaries, including the waste of public resources esandaloso and control simulated promote themselves through the law.

We also have a State of censorship to the press to a more open and democratic. But as it happens, without rules or limits any power is disastrous for democracy. The media in Mexico have become, with few exceptions-in economic megapode politics has invaded without a proper counterweight. And that it is bad for democracy. Mexico is one of the few countries, if not the only, I will review the information out there as I have, which means are not subject to any law or responsibility to society. How is that possible? How can you be angry and talk about freedom of expression when they alone are not subject to any liability in the democratic system and have spent the last 15 years profiting from public money through electoral campaigns?

Finally, that the 30-70 is definitely fair, there are many formulas in the world, from the majority to purely proportional, it is clear that alos affect small parties. But back to the point: these small parties are unrepresented social family business, who drink from the treasury for sistemaáticamente campaigns and disappear after the election. Lack

consolidate the party system, give them rules and boundaries, as well as the media! Both are basic institutions of a democratic system Why it never talk about our legislators?? Those are our real problems for those who do not move, not whether the IFE hired 10 or 20 spots.

And regarding the prohibition of the spots by anyone, I do not know if you know that NL works well, the Electoral Act does not limit the purchase of political spots to anyone and that is the main gap of wasted resources in our campaigns . This point I explored in my thesis. Without this limitation, it opens Pandora's box for the use of illegal funds, private forbidden, and so on. That is the crux of the zero control to parties that have in NL and also the main factor for the lack of fairness in the campaign.

Gabriela Salazar

************************************ ***********************

I agree with the argument of the excesses, but that does not justify prohibiting the spots. Now the excess will be worse and nobody will be able to control. The most serious, Armando, is that perhaps you do not really lived through the fight in the 90 open spaces for the media to opposition political parties. Now that space is closed under the pretext of using official times ...

mt

************************************* **********************

Yes, Gaby, but must have been restricted video-political, not prohibited. Now we were in the worst of all worlds, no video-politics, no Internet, no chance real to control costs and, worst of all, no real chance to oust the party that seized power, as happened in 97 or 2000.

On the other hand, worry about money I think is valid, but nothing like the TV to control campaign spending when spending is controlled, of course. As simple as hiring a monitoring firm to tell us how much was spent each party and in which channels are broadcast messages.

Now, the waste in the campaigns will be worse, and settlement policy by drug money and the casinos will not limit: who controls the money in the purchase of votes, who controls what is spent on campaigns door to door, who controls the money of patronage and utilities.

Closing the television space, now the door opened to circulate the dirty money ... and not likely to control.Antes, at least, they had recourse to the TV to counterbalance the despotism and clientelism, but what now? The argument that justifies the allocation formula of the official times for the fact that small parties are familiar, is not valid. I agree small parties are familiar, but this does not justify violating the principle of equality of conditions in the race. One thing is one thing and another thing is another thing ...! (Zitar)

In short, it took much effort to open space from TV to the opposition for now, with the opposition in power, so close again. It is the party-of which have talked about comentaristas.Si I remember 70% of voters entire campaign and the proposal of the candidates on TV, and now how you going to do ?....

mt

******************

The Opinion of September 11, 2007 the Draft Electoral Reform Act, see: here.

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Electoral Reform in Mexico What is Political Communication?

ExtremeTracking dal review the program installed on this blog, I have found that a good number of those who have visited is that they seek answers to the question: What is Communication Policy?

To make a modest contribution to the knowledge of this fascinating subject, then I offer a brief introduction and a list of definitions. The information the return of my doctoral thesis entitled "An approach to the concept Political Communication: A proposed definition. " Anyone interested in a digitized copy, I can do is get by e-mail.

The cover text Democracy and Postmodernity, written by Javier del Rey Morato, displays a photograph whose caption displays words attributed to Wilbur Schramm, who was then read: "Politicians have to be experts in communication, because have to offer themselves, to present results and persuade voters, and decision makers, their way of thinking. "

not have wasted the quote above, and serves as a pretext to indicate that indeed, communication is the fundamental resource of politics (and one of the basic categories of democracy.) Currently, discussions are generated within an exchange of messages and responses from citizens to governments, and from there to the governed.

Given this scenario, would be only two forms of government: through coercion or consensus, ie the police or through political communication.

If we start with the assertion that we can not not communicate "a government at any level is forbidden not to communicate, then, is that the same citizens that governments need to reduce uncertainty between the two: the first on the view of these, and second on the opinion of those.

If we want to understand this kind of dynamics, not delayed more exposure to the commendable efforts that several authors have undertaken the construction of a state of the question about political communication.

Initially, Dan Nimmo and Keith R. Sanders, at the dawn of the nineties, they located the origins of political communication as defined field of study in the mid-twentieth century, and qualify as instructive and prophetic text Eulau, Eldersveld and Janowitz, entitled Political Behavior, published in 1956, describing the political communication as "a critical area, pop and mediator within the social sciences. "

Two works are essential to decant the status of the political communication as a study area, namely Handbook of Political Communication, written by Nimmo and Sanders, which draws up a summary of what researchers around the item until the seventies, and New Directions in Political Communication , which strengthens, updating the previous work, the study of communication in politics by emphasizing the new direction taken by research in the area.

No less important are the contributions of Candide Monsoon in Public opinion, political communication and , or those of Gilles Gauthier, André Gosselin and Jean Mouchon with the book Communication and Politics. It is also necessary to refer to the texts of Alejandro Muñoz Alonso and Juan Ignacio Rospir, political communication, that of Jean-Marc Ferry, Dominique Wolton et al New Public Space, by Oscar Ochoa, Political Communication and Public Opinion, or to Brian McNair, An Introduction to Political Communication.

Political Communication plays a fundamental role in the actions of political systems is the substance that feeds the various components and is essential for its operation. In this order of words is part of Robert Meadow, who Politics as Communication, communication defines politics as "the exchange of symbols and messages, to a significant extent, are shared by, or have consequences for the functioning of political system. "

Richard Fagen, Policy and Communications in one hand, assumes that "a communication activity is considered under its policy implications, and potential, it has to operate the political system." Blake and Harolds, the other, in A Taxonomy of concepts in Communication understand that political communication is one that "involves actual or potential effects on the functioning of a political state or other political entity."

Several authors, mainly American or American influence (David Paletz in Political Communication Research , Swanson with Handbook of Political Communication and Doris Graber through Mass Media and American Politics ) assume that communication dynamic policy covers all communication between rulers and ruled, or only among the first, or only the governed each other as long as such interaction entails political meanings. Jean Marie Cotteret

in Political Communication identifies the channels through which they travel the content of political communication. Therefore defined as "the exchange of information between governors and governed by Structural transmission channels and informal."

Jacques Gerstle believes that political communication plays its role when it is understood as "a set of techniques and procedures that have policy makers, and particularly the leaders, to attract, manage and persuade public opinion to do or not do something. "

Dan Nimmo and David Swanson assume that "a communication may be considered under the policy implications that regulate human behavior under certain conditions of conflict." Therefore, political communication defined as "the strategic use of communication to influence public knowledge, beliefs and action on public issues." Dominique Wolton

policy defines communication as "the space in which the exchange of contradictory discourses of the three actors who have the legitimacy to speak publicly on politics, and the politicians, journalists and public opinion through the polls. "

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is the title of the chronicle written by Carlos Tello Diaz about the day's most important contemporary history of Mexico.

July 2 In (Planeta, 2007) we witness a strong narrative, extensive data-striking and full of astonishing revelations. Tello Díaz text becomes relevant particularly for the richness of its sources of direct and indirect.

The author, in just 178 pages, drawing up an accurate epitome of that election day.

The body of printed and audiovisual documents, some of them unpublished, which give body to the text of Tello Díaz, make it an indispensable historical record.

It brings together the key players in the race, candidates, officials, journalists, media, academics, pollsters, but most of all citizens.

The chronicle begins at 8 am, the polling officials to across the country are required to have everything ready at that time for citizens to cast their ballots at the polls.

This "coming to an end and most expensive elections the world's longest, an election that had cost the country a fortune: about 12 billion pesos, and they had lasted, without even the pre-campaign, an eternity, more than five long months. "

At that time, Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Luis Carlos Ugalde also were ready. The candidate of the Coalition for the Good of All would vote first. The president of IFE would later, it started at 8 am General Council meeting of the institute.

At that time, the house of Felipe Calderón "there was silence and peace in the morning air."

The last of the 20 chapters July 2 is located at 3 in the morning, coincides with the time they close their editions of newspapers. At that time, the PAN candidate and his team were confident of victory, Roberto Madrazo had already accepted defeat and López Obrador denounced fraud against him.

The rest of Mexico, meanwhile, hours before he went to bed not knowing who would be the next president.

Without exception, the books revolve around the elections of July 2, 2006 share one of two purposes: seek to document and seek to remove the allegation of electoral fraud flag PRD, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Tello Díaz text does not shy away for that purpose.

is in the search of the company where the author stumbles, which gives his detractors arguments to disqualify the book as a whole. He is also a columnist for the weekly Proceso and Milenio Diario, p. 160, says that AMLO said: "I lost."

He adds: "Andrés Manuel did not have the certainty of his defeat, but he had envisioned. And had taken, then the decision not to accept it. It was his breaking point on July 2. From that moment ... the decision to start lying. " Nobody

intimate group of Lopez Obrador support that version. All deny to Tello. But he insists: "My sources to recreate this scene, which is key, are all indirect, but reliable. " Is it?

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July 2 elections in Baja California 2007 President-elect

One of the features that characterize a democracy is: uncertainty, particularly in elections. Nothing is said until the last polls close and the last vote is counted.

So nobody should be fooled if the results produced by the polls do not match the data presented in the opinion poll published last year by the most reputed home days before polling day.

This is evidenced by the Mexican presidential election in 2006, and confirmed the election to renew the governor of Baja California in 2007.

In June 2006, according to most published surveys , Andrés Manuel López Obrador was emerging as the sure winner of the contest on July 2. But lost. In August 2007, judging by polls reform, Millennium and El Universal, the PRI candidate Jorge Hank Rhon seemed to walk towards the victory sign. Also lost.

Both the PRD and the PRI were hurt by the strong negative campaign launched against PAN party, which, coincidentally, in the two elections with one candidate ran for gray and unfriendly profile (Guadalupe Osuna and Felipe Calderón).

In 2006 and 2007, the National Action was right strategically guide the direction of the election into a referendum the opposition candidate. That is, voters appeared before the polls to vote for or against Lopez Obrador or Hank Rhon. In both cases the fear was imposed and the two candidates lost.

On July 2, 2006 and August 5, 2007, voters voted for change or continuity of the ruling party, the PAN, but to allow or prevent the coming to power of two characters with high popularity and close to the people, but at the same time, with increasing rates of rejection and negative opinion.

In Baja California and the rest of the country the year past, the fear generated in the majority of the electorate and the poor image of the opposition candidates (according to a survey Excelsior) , enable the PAN cling to power six years. *************


Examples of negative spots against AMLO and Hank Rhon:

1. López Obrador: Mexico Endangering .
2. Hank Rhon: I will buy them all.

PREP results in Baja California: Here .

Brent Everett Vídeo

Before, during and after Mexican electoral process of 2006, the publishing industry has released a number of books whose content revolves around the controversial presidential election in which Felipe Calderón was elected.

From the plethora of texts nurtured some are better manufactured than others, and few combine methodological rigor with sound argument. Among the highlights best one, just for hosting both characteristics: President-elect title. Salvador Camarena and Jorge Zepeda, the authors (Planeta, 2007).

Camarena's work and Zepeda itself up-as the subtitle-in "Instructions to survive Calderón and his government" with two purposes in between: a) Explore the state of Mexico today, and b) Advise what awaits us Mexicans with the Calderon administration.

President-elect is a diptych. The first part, "The conquest of power" is in charge of Salvador Camarena, an experienced journalist who had the good sense, unlike most of his colleagues, covering the presidential race from the bowels of the "war room" Calderon.

The second part, "The presidential chair vs. the other branches, "written by Jorge Zepeda, director of the Seven Day magazine and a columnist for El Universal Includes a detailed diagnosis of the challenges facing the Calderon government, and identifies the policy strengths and weaknesses of Michoacan.

A little over 180 pages, tight, Camarena outlines the profile of Felipe de Jesús Calderón Hinojosa, identifies the four pillars on which rests the political strength of the current president, namely: his biological father (Luis Calderon Vega ), his political father (Carlos Castillo Peraza), his political godfather (Luis H. Alvarez) and his wife (Margarita Zavala). Rebuild

also the "assault on the power" of Calderon and his team, tells the behind the scenes of war room along the path from the internal struggle of the PAN to the presidential campaign.

also aware of the environment surrounding the beardless and monolithic inner circle and the strategies and analysis of the joints and tough issues: the debate, negative campaigning, the Media Law and post-election conflict.

Zepeda, meanwhile, dissected with surgical precision the challenges of the Calderon administration ranging from the social gap between Mexico and the Mexican state boundaries through the power of elites and the "friendly fire" launched from the offices of CEN PAN and the PRI and Mexico corporate the PRD and Lopez Obrador, the Congress and, of course, the wild powers: drug trafficking and organized crime.

The text of Salvador Camarena and Jorge Zepeda is far from being a gross journalistic collection about what happened over the last twelve months.

Rather, their content of journalism and integrated analytical information hardly ever attended, and made available to the reader to understand solid arguments Calderon's victory not as a result of a series of random events but a concatenation set of tactical decisions that resulted in a successful electoral strategy.

And in addition, they propose a set of "keys to understanding the possibilities of success or failure" that is Felipe Calderon as Mexico's president.

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Professionalization of campaigns

One of the characteristic features of modern political communication is: the professionalization of electoral campaigns. The party bureaucracy gave way to specialists in various disciplines (political science, sociology, psychology, actuarial sciences, communication, etc..) In the planning, organization and execution of political campaigns.

can say that professionalism is directly proportional to the level of competitiveness of political contests. To speak of elections raced in Mexico, does not need to go back to the prehistory of the Mexican political system, just a couple of decades is enough.

Before the controversial election of 1988 was unnecessary, for example, measuring the electorate intended to vote for from the time when it was anointed the official party candidate for any elective office there was the certainty of its triumph.

The presence in the television screens of the opposition parties and their candidates was practically invisible. In contrast, coverage of the events of the party in power was complete.

electoral reform of 1996 resulted, inter alia, a more robust public funding for all parties, including the PRI, but particularly benefited the opposition.

have more money in its coffers for the PRD and the PAN meant the possibility of buying more and better space in the media, especially TV, and hiring professional consulting experts in electoral campaigns.

I described above serves as a pretext to talk about one of the most prestigious consultancies and influential in Mexico: Strategies publicum. Its CEO, Mentor Tijerina, was the strategist of the campaign's current governor of Nuevo Leon, Jose Natividad Gonzalez Paras.

In 2003, Tijerina catapulted "Nati" as they called the governor in his state-to unprecedented levels of popularity and electoral choice thanks to a campaign strategically and tactically perfect flawless. Natividad

end getting more than 20 percentage points above its nearest competitor thanks to, above all, a campaign designed and implemented by a professional team led by an expert on political campaigns.

The purpose of this post is to recommend the website publicum Strategies, which was redesigned. It incorporates new sections, useful for anyone interested in politics, government and election campaigns. Includes a News section, a laboratory of ideas (surveys, studies, surveys, tests) and several blogs from both the company and its consultants ( publicum Strategies, Mentor Tijerina, Roberto Garza , Gabriela Salazar .)

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Calderon president. The struggle for power


Two

July, 2006: Mexico experienced the most competitive presidential election in its history. The war for power, particularly among PAN candidates (right) and PRD (left), left a trail of bitterness in its wake. Dispute that is mutated in post-election conflict, tested the institutional structure of Mexico.

journalist Jorge Fernández Menéndez developed damage count those days, "the most difficult that our democracy has ever faced," and makes it available in a book: Calderon, president. The power struggle (Grijalbo, 2007).

It told from a strictly personal point of view, as he himself says, "five months of wrangling and maneuvering of the open struggle for power. But not of the race itself, but those who go on the evening of election day on 1 December last year, when Felipe Calderón takes office as president.

In Calderon, president. The struggle for power attended a six-story interviews crossed at different times to the current Mexican President, who answers in three stages: as a candidate is elected president and chairman.

Perhaps the book that gives us the journalist also Excelsior offers its best lines in the final leg of its journey.

one hand, interviews with Calderón and living in Los Pinos, he admitted there was a possibility that the election had been annulled by three factors: the pressure exerted by AMLO, the fragility of the Electoral Tribunal and sowed doubts among the public about the legitimacy of his victory.

the other, the two annexes. A trial of Michelangelo Bovero ("Elections disputed"), published in Excelsior on September 8, 2006-three days earlier, the Court had given the record of President-elect Calderon. And an article in the same Jorge Fernández Menéndez which appeared in November but in the magazine Letras Libres .

In his speech, the Italian political scientist warns the presence, in the twenty-first century, a strange virus aggressor real democracies: the phenomenon of contested elections, questioned and challenged.

This presence is harmful to health of democracy is the result of four reasons, namely: a) the personalization of politics; b) the vertical of power, c) erosion of the party system, and d) simplification party system in a dichotomous form. In

why Mexico does not raise the Bronco? , meanwhile, Fernández Menéndez argues that violent social upheaval is far taken place in our country, despite "shortfalls government, inhibiting the use of public force, gaps and distortions of our political class and the weakness of certain institutions.

"And while, too, a guerrilla group that exists but can not transcend."

The author was grateful to be honest. Warns the reader that the text you have in your hands "does not attempt to disguise a false objectivity, inasmuch as the latter, which relates in his book is a story" again and again marked by the author's views. "

And maybe it means that what would be a fair collection of events raised between July and December last year, becomes article long-winded editorial.

words, the journalist uses a piece every other also to strike a long list of epithets against Andrés Manuel López Obrador, candidate of the left coalition (called For the Good of All), one of one page to another passes fascist coup.

The amount of ink that flows into the explanation of why AMLO lost the election, ignored the bottom of it, he mobilized his followers set up camp, disavowed autoungió institutions and legitimate president of Mexico, seems to contradict the cover and even the title of the text.


Recommended Reading: Michelangelo

Bovero, "Elections disputed" .
Jorge Fernández Menéndez, "Why not Mexico awakens the Bronco?" .

Ringworm In Hand Isnt Healing

Mexico: Building democracy in

Perhaps the most authoritative political scientist to talk about the process of political liberalization that Latin America has suffered in the past three decades, Guillermo O'Donnell asserts that Mexico's democracy is still under construction and features are defined.

Doctor in Political Science from Yale University, O'Donnell, interview for the newspaper Reforma , does not hesitate to speak of López Obrador, a former candidate for president of Mexico, but does so with restraint, avoiding futurology play "what would have happened not to have won Andrés Manuel López Obrador, but there are many candidate cases that cause this kind of reflection and terrified after a very sensible rule. "

The professor at the University of Notre Dame among the American rule that there is a sense of disillusionment with democracy, prefers to speak of a hoax, because "we have won a free regime but often the political leaders who come from the cold of opposition not fall short of expectations. "

In this context, one might add that the transition to democracy in Mexico encourages the presence of the characteristic features of modern political communication, for example, highly competitive elections, professionalization of campaigns, continuous measurement of public opinion customization of the elections, accountability, increased use of electronic media to disseminate messages and contend with high levels of negativity.

Mexican political transition began with the electoral reforms of 1977, almost ten years after (Presidential elections in 1988) we can find many of the features listed above. In the five subsequent electoral contests (1991, 1994, 1997, 2000 and 2006), Mexicans have witnessed changes in the power struggle.

******

Reform Access to subscription required. Fortunately, I have the opportunity to share the entire interview for free, by clicking here .

suggest reading the interview with O'Donnell accompanied by the following article: "Democratic Deepening in Third Wave Democracies: Experiments with Participation in Mexico City" , Imke Harbers, in Political Studies, 2007, Vol 55.

Is Kates Playground Good?

journalists Hell

Communication Policy

not be understood without the participation of journalists. The exchange of information between rulers and ruled, candidates and voters will necessarily journalistic sieve.

It is even possible that the quality of democracy in a country lies not solely but largely on the quality of journalism has.

In this context, insert the following spot: excellent characterization of the various types of journalism. Portentous. Amalgam creativity, intelligence and forcefulness. Better, impossible.

I was able to see this commercial during the presidential elections in Mexico last year. Today I see it in the blog of Ramon Salaverría . Consider it prudent to extend its distribution. Mexican democracy requires fewer journalists condemned to hell.

Remington 3200 Review

Political Communication and the Internet: The Blog as an electoral weapon

New forms of communication are necessarily Policy for ICT (Information and Communication Technologies), particularly the Internet. In the XXI century, Communication Strategies Provide for the making of policy messages tailored to the formats of novel vehicles of communication: blogs, videoblogs, audioblogs, social networking sites, YouTube, MySpace, etc.

It is fairly safe to say that in the so-called Information Society, the politician who ignores the Internet in the design of its communication strategy to run for an elected office, greatly reducing their chances of victory.

American politicians have it clear. A sample button. John Edwards, Democratic presidential hopeful U.S., announced his interest in running for the Democratic Party through of YouTube.

walk in the same way Sens. Barack Obama Hillary Clinton and : users of their web sites are informed of the activities of both candidates by, for example, videos, participate in online discussions create virtual social networks, campaigns financially support and interact with online donations through blogs.

inserted in this context that work done by the daily newspaper Reforma , which recognizes that the strategy to reach the White House in 2008 would be for Internet: "The blog, new electoral weapon" .

The paper provides a basic terminology to enter the world of "virtual democracy".

Identifies pros and cons of the use of blogs in politics. Pros: The company acquires voice and expand the channels of interaction with the candidate, the political party strengthens its links, the user regains influence decisions of their rulers.

Against: There is no guarantee that the candidate directly read the post of his followers, few politicians use heavily the network to access a web page requires a PC with Internet connection, the bloggers can leave defamatory messages anonymously.

journal published work in Mexico City can listen to the voice of the professor at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid Mariano Cebrián Herreros, who crumbles Policy 2.0.

highlights how through blogs politicians can make contact and direct communication with citizens, "the brokerage marginalizing others such as media (film, print, radio and television)," which involves a change of attitude from politicians as they have to engage in dialogue, a direct response to every single citizen. However

says Cebrián Herreros, deserves the attention it requires a lot of blog time and experience, thus running the risk that "often are not the candidates themselves personally but those who make equipment ready for this question."

He added: blogs are not going to all constituencies, "because it is a very high percentage who do not yet have an Internet connection, it can be to be in that elite groups are those with more development of the Internet."

Political communication through blogs is intended to capture the undecided vote. Cebrián explains the importance of reaching this squalid stretch of the electorate, "as they are today the very campaign odds, percentages (undecided)-which are not very high, five, seven percent, "are crucial.

Mariano Cebrián, as a corollary, it recommends that a candidate instrument such direct communication. But he warns: "When candidates try to promote these new forms of communication have to think that the answer must be immediate in accordance with the requirements of the Internet, otherwise you may create great frustration and become totally against it."

******

Suggested reading:

1. Drew Clark, "Web 2.0 Gives Birth to Politics 2.0. "
2. Michele Micheletti, " Bloggging: A New People's Movement?.
3. Maria Lourdes Vinuesa, "Political Communication and New Technologies: The Communications Policy of the XXI Century" .
4. Raul Trejo Delarbre, "Blogs: the democratization of the ego".

Silver And Blue Wrapping Paper

Carolina Foundation awards scholarships to major in Political Communication

Carolina Foundation is an institution of the English government to promote cultural relations and cooperation educational and between Spain and the countries of the South American Community of Nations. For that it has four programs: Training, Research, International Visitor and Corporate Social Responsibility.

Carolina Foundation issues an annual call for their scholarships. On December 20 released its 2007-2008 Call which offers more than 1,500 scholarships for American students. The registration period for applications closed until 4 March.

The scholarship program of the Carolina Foundation is to promote the continuing education of university graduates, as well as specialization and refresher courses for postgraduate teachers, researchers, artists and professionals from Latin America.

For more information on their scholarships and programs please visit the website http://www.fundacioncarolina.es/ where they can complete the application electronically. *********

The direction of the Carolina Foundation in Mexico, their phones and e-mail from the Secretary General: Hegel

713 Col. Chapultepec Morales CP 11580

Delgado. Miguel Hidalgo
Tel / fax (5255) 5545 7212 5545 7213

and

eroldan@fundacioncarolina.org.mx

Keebler Product Expiration

The Latin American Left's intolerance toward the press


The Committee to Protect Journalists has released its latest report on the attacks suffered by media professionals in Latin America during the turbulent 2006.

diagnosis: some of the new Latin American leftist leaders have not only embarnecido legal provisions to ensure freedom of press in the region, have narrowed to no end a few years ago.

product analysis from the pen of Carlos Lauria, coordinator of the Americas Program of the Committee to Protect Journalists, is blunt: the new breed of leaders left in Latin America, a mixture of leftist, populist, social democratic and progressive liberals, share a common gene: intolerance to critical press.

Most Latin Americans, says Lauria, are disenchanted with traditional politics after a decade of the nineties, the application of free market policies promoted by the U.S. and the IMF, promising improvements in living standards .

The result: In Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Ecuador, citizens elected reformist president, who are shaping the domestic and international politics of the subcontinent.

Some journalists expected the new generation of political leaders from left, emerged in the last six years, widen the freedom of the press. This has not happened.

In Venezuela, to cite one example, independent journalists have been labeled as "enemies of the people." In Argentina, to cite another, they have been denied access to newsletters and official events.

However, this has not been an obstacle to the media digging up facts that governments would rather keep hidden.

One thing to note: the leftist leaders in Latin America have not lifted a finger to unlock the increasing concentration of media in few hands (even have supported, in Mexico, called Televisa Law was passed unanimously in the House of Representatives, obviously including the PRD).

Examples abound: Grupo Cisneros in Venezuela, Brazil's Globo, Grupo Televisa Clarin in Argentina and Mexico.

Venezuela and Bolivia represent the most raw of the relationship between the press - the government. In the absence of real political opposition in both countries, the private media have filled the gap. And suffered the consequences.

However, it should be noted that the media in individual countries have overlooked one who acts politically will respond politically.

In this vein, the media are supporting special interests over ethical principles and basic professional standards, as governments constrain freedom of expression through any pressure, overtly or covertly.

Unlike the media demonization of Hugo Chavez makes branded "fascist" or "conspirators", the presidents of Argentina and Uruguay, Nestor Kirchner and Vázquez, respectively, recognize the media as "the opposition unelected policy. "

In contrast, the Argentine and Uruguayan journalists accuse their governments of deliberately confusing the lines that divide the opposition of the critical press.

Furthermore, to maintain popular support, Chavez, Kirchner and Morales have strengthened the state media in the service of their governments, while controlling private media that support their policies through procurement of advertising space officer .

This is an attempt to strangle criticism. This represents a step backwards in terms of democratic quality in the region. "

Brazil has not been exempt from this type of strained relations between the president and the press. Given the scandals of corruption at all levels of his government, Lula refused to give interviews. The argument: the news stories were excessive and unsubstantiated.

During the reelection campaign in October last year, the party to which the President Lula, the Workers, reaffirmed its commitment to press freedom.

But the day of victory, during the celebration in the main avenue of Sao Paulo could read some slogans: "The people won to the media." In the Brazilian capital, while journalists covering the festivities received shoving and insults.

Ecuador and Nicaragua in the future is unclear, since Rafael Correa and Daniel Ortega was just elected in November. However, since the election campaign with the press conflicts have emerged.

How Do You Clear History On Direct Tv Dvr

Site Enrique Jackson Web

is inevitable. Accurate to refer. He was even awarded. The website of Henry Jackson was the best of the candidates who sought the nomination of their respective political parties in 2005.

Remember: this website received the user with a video associated with spots at that time were broadcast on television.

now, enriquejackson.org.mx site has been supplanted. Instead, a structure churlish. Unfinished. Unseaworthy.

Compare the two experiences is inevitable.

two years ago, without privileging the cult image, the page had well-chosen photographs of Jackson, who was accompanied by a biographical sketch. Not today.

P. eg., the downloads suggested the visitor download a wallpaper. The image turns out to be not the potential leader of a political institution, the PRI, but a broker with the intention of "winning" on a deplorable landscape as a backdrop. Stresses

a tab on the left side: My commitment. There are such. Perhaps some phrases captured speeches. "Just a decalogue? Even that. Ideas without rhyme or reason.

Anor in 2005, Henry Jackson assumed commitments, defying challenges, 10 at least, in a terse text, but attractive. In 2007, it seems that shuns.

absences persist. One more. Null's commitment to transparency. Leverage the Internet by way of a glass case, generate feelings and invite other contenders to take similar steps.

In contrast, presence unnecessary. Wasted space. An example: on the call option. A link would suffice.

Enriquejackson.org.mx efficient vehicles devoid of interaction. Just a forum. Feeble attempt: there are no dates, times, and topics for discussion.

Jackson's speech focuses on youth. Ignores the item page. Generating devices lacks youth political participation. A blog would help.

The press room, a disaster. Impossible to know the agenda of Jackson. Let alone see, hear or read their interviews, notes, comments and speeches. This

the picture. The solution: redesign. Or liquidated.

From Beatriz Paredes page, or speak. Still holds he used as a candidate for head of government of the Federal District.

Traditional Jamaican Dress

The image of politicians

a politician's image is sculpted. The goal: to position it. How: Based on the needs of the electoral market. The tools: surveys and focus groups. The result: an ideal candidate profile.

The image of public figures is merely the perception of them have. In other words, the view is formed from the first impression. A positive or negative opinion. There is no room for nuance.

In modern politics tends toward a form without neglecting the background. The speech matter, the image is imposed. Cleanliness, sobriety and empathy around the political campaign and the ruler in the exercise of power.

According to the expert in political marketing Gisela Rubach, there are only five seconds to generate in the electorate a positive first impression. If so, sensing devices are opened in the minds of potential voters, making the candidate's message is received.

Campaigning hardly get a second chance: the first impression is vital. *********



For further information, an interview with Gisela Rubach: here.