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is the title of the chronicle written by Carlos Tello Diaz about the day's most important contemporary history of Mexico.

July 2 In (Planeta, 2007) we witness a strong narrative, extensive data-striking and full of astonishing revelations. Tello Díaz text becomes relevant particularly for the richness of its sources of direct and indirect.

The author, in just 178 pages, drawing up an accurate epitome of that election day.

The body of printed and audiovisual documents, some of them unpublished, which give body to the text of Tello Díaz, make it an indispensable historical record.

It brings together the key players in the race, candidates, officials, journalists, media, academics, pollsters, but most of all citizens.

The chronicle begins at 8 am, the polling officials to across the country are required to have everything ready at that time for citizens to cast their ballots at the polls.

This "coming to an end and most expensive elections the world's longest, an election that had cost the country a fortune: about 12 billion pesos, and they had lasted, without even the pre-campaign, an eternity, more than five long months. "

At that time, Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Luis Carlos Ugalde also were ready. The candidate of the Coalition for the Good of All would vote first. The president of IFE would later, it started at 8 am General Council meeting of the institute.

At that time, the house of Felipe Calderón "there was silence and peace in the morning air."

The last of the 20 chapters July 2 is located at 3 in the morning, coincides with the time they close their editions of newspapers. At that time, the PAN candidate and his team were confident of victory, Roberto Madrazo had already accepted defeat and López Obrador denounced fraud against him.

The rest of Mexico, meanwhile, hours before he went to bed not knowing who would be the next president.

Without exception, the books revolve around the elections of July 2, 2006 share one of two purposes: seek to document and seek to remove the allegation of electoral fraud flag PRD, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Tello Díaz text does not shy away for that purpose.

is in the search of the company where the author stumbles, which gives his detractors arguments to disqualify the book as a whole. He is also a columnist for the weekly Proceso and Milenio Diario, p. 160, says that AMLO said: "I lost."

He adds: "Andrés Manuel did not have the certainty of his defeat, but he had envisioned. And had taken, then the decision not to accept it. It was his breaking point on July 2. From that moment ... the decision to start lying. " Nobody

intimate group of Lopez Obrador support that version. All deny to Tello. But he insists: "My sources to recreate this scene, which is key, are all indirect, but reliable. " Is it?

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July 2 elections in Baja California 2007 President-elect

One of the features that characterize a democracy is: uncertainty, particularly in elections. Nothing is said until the last polls close and the last vote is counted.

So nobody should be fooled if the results produced by the polls do not match the data presented in the opinion poll published last year by the most reputed home days before polling day.

This is evidenced by the Mexican presidential election in 2006, and confirmed the election to renew the governor of Baja California in 2007.

In June 2006, according to most published surveys , Andrés Manuel López Obrador was emerging as the sure winner of the contest on July 2. But lost. In August 2007, judging by polls reform, Millennium and El Universal, the PRI candidate Jorge Hank Rhon seemed to walk towards the victory sign. Also lost.

Both the PRD and the PRI were hurt by the strong negative campaign launched against PAN party, which, coincidentally, in the two elections with one candidate ran for gray and unfriendly profile (Guadalupe Osuna and Felipe Calderón).

In 2006 and 2007, the National Action was right strategically guide the direction of the election into a referendum the opposition candidate. That is, voters appeared before the polls to vote for or against Lopez Obrador or Hank Rhon. In both cases the fear was imposed and the two candidates lost.

On July 2, 2006 and August 5, 2007, voters voted for change or continuity of the ruling party, the PAN, but to allow or prevent the coming to power of two characters with high popularity and close to the people, but at the same time, with increasing rates of rejection and negative opinion.

In Baja California and the rest of the country the year past, the fear generated in the majority of the electorate and the poor image of the opposition candidates (according to a survey Excelsior) , enable the PAN cling to power six years. *************


Examples of negative spots against AMLO and Hank Rhon:

1. López Obrador: Mexico Endangering .
2. Hank Rhon: I will buy them all.

PREP results in Baja California: Here .

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Before, during and after Mexican electoral process of 2006, the publishing industry has released a number of books whose content revolves around the controversial presidential election in which Felipe Calderón was elected.

From the plethora of texts nurtured some are better manufactured than others, and few combine methodological rigor with sound argument. Among the highlights best one, just for hosting both characteristics: President-elect title. Salvador Camarena and Jorge Zepeda, the authors (Planeta, 2007).

Camarena's work and Zepeda itself up-as the subtitle-in "Instructions to survive Calderón and his government" with two purposes in between: a) Explore the state of Mexico today, and b) Advise what awaits us Mexicans with the Calderon administration.

President-elect is a diptych. The first part, "The conquest of power" is in charge of Salvador Camarena, an experienced journalist who had the good sense, unlike most of his colleagues, covering the presidential race from the bowels of the "war room" Calderon.

The second part, "The presidential chair vs. the other branches, "written by Jorge Zepeda, director of the Seven Day magazine and a columnist for El Universal Includes a detailed diagnosis of the challenges facing the Calderon government, and identifies the policy strengths and weaknesses of Michoacan.

A little over 180 pages, tight, Camarena outlines the profile of Felipe de Jesús Calderón Hinojosa, identifies the four pillars on which rests the political strength of the current president, namely: his biological father (Luis Calderon Vega ), his political father (Carlos Castillo Peraza), his political godfather (Luis H. Alvarez) and his wife (Margarita Zavala). Rebuild

also the "assault on the power" of Calderon and his team, tells the behind the scenes of war room along the path from the internal struggle of the PAN to the presidential campaign.

also aware of the environment surrounding the beardless and monolithic inner circle and the strategies and analysis of the joints and tough issues: the debate, negative campaigning, the Media Law and post-election conflict.

Zepeda, meanwhile, dissected with surgical precision the challenges of the Calderon administration ranging from the social gap between Mexico and the Mexican state boundaries through the power of elites and the "friendly fire" launched from the offices of CEN PAN and the PRI and Mexico corporate the PRD and Lopez Obrador, the Congress and, of course, the wild powers: drug trafficking and organized crime.

The text of Salvador Camarena and Jorge Zepeda is far from being a gross journalistic collection about what happened over the last twelve months.

Rather, their content of journalism and integrated analytical information hardly ever attended, and made available to the reader to understand solid arguments Calderon's victory not as a result of a series of random events but a concatenation set of tactical decisions that resulted in a successful electoral strategy.

And in addition, they propose a set of "keys to understanding the possibilities of success or failure" that is Felipe Calderon as Mexico's president.

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Professionalization of campaigns

One of the characteristic features of modern political communication is: the professionalization of electoral campaigns. The party bureaucracy gave way to specialists in various disciplines (political science, sociology, psychology, actuarial sciences, communication, etc..) In the planning, organization and execution of political campaigns.

can say that professionalism is directly proportional to the level of competitiveness of political contests. To speak of elections raced in Mexico, does not need to go back to the prehistory of the Mexican political system, just a couple of decades is enough.

Before the controversial election of 1988 was unnecessary, for example, measuring the electorate intended to vote for from the time when it was anointed the official party candidate for any elective office there was the certainty of its triumph.

The presence in the television screens of the opposition parties and their candidates was practically invisible. In contrast, coverage of the events of the party in power was complete.

electoral reform of 1996 resulted, inter alia, a more robust public funding for all parties, including the PRI, but particularly benefited the opposition.

have more money in its coffers for the PRD and the PAN meant the possibility of buying more and better space in the media, especially TV, and hiring professional consulting experts in electoral campaigns.

I described above serves as a pretext to talk about one of the most prestigious consultancies and influential in Mexico: Strategies publicum. Its CEO, Mentor Tijerina, was the strategist of the campaign's current governor of Nuevo Leon, Jose Natividad Gonzalez Paras.

In 2003, Tijerina catapulted "Nati" as they called the governor in his state-to unprecedented levels of popularity and electoral choice thanks to a campaign strategically and tactically perfect flawless. Natividad

end getting more than 20 percentage points above its nearest competitor thanks to, above all, a campaign designed and implemented by a professional team led by an expert on political campaigns.

The purpose of this post is to recommend the website publicum Strategies, which was redesigned. It incorporates new sections, useful for anyone interested in politics, government and election campaigns. Includes a News section, a laboratory of ideas (surveys, studies, surveys, tests) and several blogs from both the company and its consultants ( publicum Strategies, Mentor Tijerina, Roberto Garza , Gabriela Salazar .)