Friday, November 30, 2007

My 4 Year Old Has A Temperature Of 96.5




In 2007 there were 15 elections in 14 states to elect local authorities 1.708. The states where elections were held were: Baja California, Durango, Sinaloa, Zacatecas, Aguascalientes, Michoacán, Tlaxcala, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapas, Yucatan, Veracruz, Tamaulipas and Chihuahua. In three states

was no choice of Governor: Yucatán, Baja California and Michoacán. In the remaining states were verified municipal elections and local deputies.

In the 14 elections there were 31.9 million votes, of which 42% received the PRI, the PAN and the PRD 32%, 16%.

These are the most important facts and figures of the electoral process of 2007: PRI



* Yucatan recovered after losing the last 6 years.
* won 9 of the 14 funds that were in play, including 3 states with no rules: Aguascalientes, Morelia and Tlaxcala.
* Won all electoral districts in 4 states: Durango, Puebla, Oaxaca and Tamaulipas. In Veracruz won 28 of 30 districts.
* won in 60% of municipal presidencies 1.218. Compared to 2001 increased from 600 to 727 municipalities won, an increase of 21%.
* Your vote level fluctuated between 55% and 22%, obtaining the highest rate in the lower Tamaulipas and Tlaxcala. PAN



* retained Yucatan Baja California and lost.
* In Michoacán nearly doubled its vote compared to 2001, increased from 247 000 votes to 490 thousand.
* Compared to the number of mayors won 6 years ago, had a decline of 38%, going from 326 to 236.
* The highest percentage of votes won in Baja California (48%) and lowest in Oaxaca (13%). PRD



* Retained Michoacán with only 5 thousand votes more than those obtained by Lázaro Cárdenas Batel 6 years (557 thousand in 2001 compared to 562 thousand in 2007).
* went from 235 to 188 municipal presidents won compared to 2001.
* Half of the 14 states, received less than 10% of the vote being the entity Baja California where he received the lowest: 2.5%.

In 2008 there will be elections in six states: Baja California Sur, Coahuila, Guerrero, Hidalgo, Nayarit and Quintana Roo. There will be at stake any governor.


Thursday, October 4, 2007

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The mafia stole our presidency



Of the five presidential candidates who competed in 2006, only two have published their testimony. One, Roberto Madrazo of the PRI in her book Treason (Planeta, 2007) . The other, Andrés Manuel López Obrador in The mafia stole our presidency (Grijalbo, 2007).

The origin of the text of former prime minister of the DF is a series of interviews with filmmaker Luis Mandoki him for a documentary on his life and political career, including impeachment, presidential election and post-election conflict last year. López Obrador

writes on a sheet of 300 leaves their travel blog. From Tabasco to the Head of Federal District Government, through the presidency of the PRI in Tabasco state, the search for the governorship of his native state and national leadership of the PRD.

The first chapter entitled "Tabasco and other things" includes personal aspects of AMLO, but also political. Obrador recounts his early years in the state that is more water than land, "which would leave to study at UNAM and would return to Carlos Pellicer hand first, and then Enrique Gonzalez Pedrero, but would also compete for the state government on two occasions (1988 and 1994).

In the second chapter, describes his tenure in the PRD's national president from 1996 to 1998 period when the party swept the Federal District in federal elections and won the governorships middle of Zacatecas, Tlaxcala and paved the way for do the same in Baja California Sur in 1999, the year in which the PAN coaligaría to dethrone the PRI in Nayarit.

His term of the Government of the country's capital, implementation of social policies for vulnerable groups work on the second floor of the peripheral, Paraje San Juan, the farm El Encino, the video scandals and impeachment are described in the penultimate chapter.

The fourth and last part, Lopez Obrador put on paper what has been repeated against the media: the July 2, 2006 election fraud was hatched against him. Before concluding, he noted that this year, 2007, Jan. 4, he began his tour of the country's municipalities, and once declared that as Juárez: "I just have taken a pen to our rooster."

The text includes important information on the evolution of political communication in Mexico.

On page 63, AMLO said that in 1996 "to the opposition political parties were not allowed to hire even television advertising to communicate." Ten years later, he would be the contestant with more spots on the television screens.

On page 94, Andrés Manuel describes the capital city as exceptional people, progressive, "generous, informed, conscientious and shrewd." Therefore, in the City "can not handle, this TV does not pass."

He adds: "When you do surveys of the capital and asked: Do you think that television reports or manipulated?, 50 percent answered: Manipulate. " In 2006, former candidate of the Coalition for the Good of All (PRD, PT, Convergence) spent on purchase of space to spread messages on television: 357.2 million pesos.

López Obrador, also shows his opinion on political marketing. "The campaign is not limited to advertising or marketing, because it was not to introduce a product to market, but to apply and communicate ideas for transforming the country.

"In addition, campaigns that are based solely upon advertisements require much money and we were not willing to get in return to subordinate principles and future decisions, submitting to interest groups "(p. 186).

Indeed, AMLO's campaign team was composed of hardcore, party people or former colleagues in the government of Mexico City. Did not hire consultants. At its close there was no specialist equipment.

addition, in the context of the 2006 election, between pages 210 and 217, are the answers to why the champion lost the presidency of the PRD. These are his words:

1. The "PAN promoted to the IFE ... the realization of a debate between candidates. As known to have an entire media strategy to make me appear on posdebate as the loser, I decided not to participate. "
2. In April and May, "not only was' a danger to Mexico ', it seemed to' Hugo Chavez 'would' indebted to the country ',' to expropriate the middle class' limit 'just you have an apartment, a car and two children per family ', but psychological studies were broadcast assumptions about me, which appeared as Crazy.
3. "There were those who, with airs of superiority, had, among other jokes, which was the Whiskas (brand of cat food) because eight out of ten cats (workers domestic) I prefer. "
4. "Despite all the dirty war, the end of the year we held the lead in most polls."
5. "However, the strategy of Fox, Salinas, Elba Esther Gordillo, Calderón and others of the same gang was, by then, not allowing for any reason our success."

Of these five key factors arising from the failure of AMLO:

1. Absence at the first debate.
2. PAN negative publicity.
3. "Dirty War."
4. Misreading of the polls.
5. Concerted action by stakeholders.

The reader may or may not according to the author of the book, but what you can not spare a The mafia stole the presidency us is that it is an essential text for understanding why Andrés Manuel López Obrador himself stood at 250 thousand votes to win the President of the Republic.



Wednesday, September 12, 2007

Cute Long About Me's For Myspace



In Mexico, a new electoral reform debate amending and supplementing a number of constitutional articles. On this, I had an exchange of views with two political consultants, Mentor Tijerina y Gabriela Salazar.

Mentor's position is different from that hold Gabriela and the author of this blog on the prohibition of parties and candidates to engage in radio and television spaces, as well as limiting the use of official time for the diffusion of spots.

I share the electronic exchange of letters:

To: Mentor Tijerina, Gabriela Salazar, Roberto Garza
From: Armando Rocha
Subject: Electoral Reform

Mexican democracy does not arise foundational pact but a series of reforms to the regulatory framework governing election campaigns, including two key areas: finance (public) party and access to mass media.

Indeed, insofar as opposition political parties during the PRI regime spaces gained more power through the ballot box, had access to more public funding and that allowed them to increase their presence in the media, especially on television.

More still, access to more financial resources to the parties allowed to professionalize their campaigns, ie, the parties were able to hire consultants, specialists and experts in various disciplines in order to draw up better strategies to persuade electorate.

Es un hecho que las reformas electorales, desde la LOPPE de 1977 hasta la de 1996, han impulsado la pluralidad y la competitividad políticas.

Sin embargo, una revisión rápida a las elecciones federales de los últimos 10 años, permitiría observar que de las cuatro que se han llevado a cabo, sólo la primera, la de 1997, está exenta de escándalos vinculados con dinero.

Los principales partidos políticos (PAN, PRI, PRD) han protagonizado los tres casos más sonados: Pemexgate, Amigos de Fox y Videoescándalos. Y la razón para recurrir a fuentes ilegales de financiamiento ha sido la misma: comprar más espacio en los medios de comunicación.

It is appropriate to recall a figure of the last federal election in May this year the Audit Commission released the IFE is not known who solved the cost of 281 000 spots that parties do not recognize as his own, and are equivalent to 37% of 757 000 advertisements that were detected were broadcast during the 2006 election.

It Audit Commission reported that the 2006 election campaign, the 2 000 62 million dollars spent on electronic media, television captured 67.05% 28.53% radio and print 4%.

With the above I argue that what worked for 10 years, opened the door to the competitiveness and ensure plurality, perverted today. Neither political parties nor the people are winning with this waste of resources, but the broadcasters (particularly Televisa) that are strengthening their coffers every three years.

therefore believe that, as envisaged by the Electoral Reform will have to shorten the campaign time, reduce public funding to parties, to prevent parties and candidates to purchase space in electronic media and limited only to the issuing official time spots.

No doubt this reform is incomplete, but I think it's a breakthrough that could serve as a launching pad for future initiatives integral.
Armando Rocha
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I am concerned about the categorical ban for anyone other than the IFE can recruit spot on television. It is the French system, but in France the conditions are very different, it is a mature democracy, with citizens rather informados.En Mexico must not forget that the video was a key policy of democratization in Mexico and the opening of the old authoritarian system. Now they are returning to television spots close to drastic measures that are not well drafted and provided to discusión.Mis points are as follows:

I am in favor of limiting the video-politics as a means to rescue substance of policy, as expressed by Al Gore in The Assault on Reason ", or Joe Trippi in" The Revolution Will Not Be Televised. "

However, I believe that the recruitment of spots must have been restricted to campaign periods. I support the restriction of the ban. I am against a ban on hiring people television commercials, because I think that this itself is limited freedom of expression.

I am concerned that is given away with the video-politics in Mexico because we do not have the Internet as a substitute. There is even a passage of the first draft that never ceases to amaze, and I have not fully understood, is the fact that political spots bans also apply to the Internet. What senators are thinking ...?

I am concerned that is linked to video everything bad policy, but forget the good: thanks to TV commercials, the PRI lost its majority in the House in 97, and the Presidency in 2000. The opposition parties access to television was, without doubt, one of the key factors of democratization in Mexico.

I do not agree with a ban on negative campaigning: they are not going to criticize politicians for corrupt, crafty, or because their government proposals lead us to ruin.

It seems to handle television messages via the official times, will accentuate the solemnity of the policy, when the TV spot he had already removed that aspect. The policy runs the risk of leaving the city.

The formula for the distribution of official times for the matches on television: 30% equity conditions and 70% according to the previous vote, violates the principle of equality of conditions in the Democratic race, which is one of the principles of Democracy by Robert Dahl, how can we hope to minorities become majorities if competition for power is not equal?

The senators were inspired by countries like France and Britain banned political campaigns on television. So we left the model of American campaigns, to get closer to Europe but they forget that the last European campaigns have been made with the full line of American political marketing. If there was spots on TV, there were political video on the Internet, and of what quality.

Who wins with the ban on political commercials? Clear to me losing the television, but also loses the freedom of expression, and with it our democratic consolidation. Win the status quo, cronyism, parties that have structures of land, or otherwise, who have set up databases for earth campaign. Small parties lose. I'm not clear that democracy wins!
mt
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I think the video actually policy was an important aspect in the process of democratic opening in Mexico, but today has been completely distosionada and misleading for one simple reason: the weakness of institutions in Mexico and anti-democratic context remains despite having free elections. The TV itself I think, does not affect a company unless that company is itself affected by the lack of key elements in its development (education, information, culture and political participation, etc..), Which Dahl calls also enlightened understanding. Is a structural problem in the country, I do not think that videopolitics. What is worrying is the intrusion of economic power that the media in politics as this necessarily leads to colonization of the policy (as Habermas would say) by the real power groups and factual.

To me what worries me is two things: We

apparently a one-party system, a state party to a plural, which, however, fails to materialize or consolidate positive but quite the opposite, but especially a power party that has no limits or rules. In other words, parties were once crushed by the system and now are the new monsters and the state system, and worse, far society, without liability or legal boundaries, including the waste of public resources esandaloso and control simulated promote themselves through the law.

We also have a State of censorship to the press to a more open and democratic. But as it happens, without rules or limits any power is disastrous for democracy. The media in Mexico have become, with few exceptions-in economic megapode politics has invaded without a proper counterweight. And that it is bad for democracy. Mexico is one of the few countries, if not the only, I will review the information out there as I have, which means are not subject to any law or responsibility to society. How is that possible? How can you be angry and talk about freedom of expression when they alone are not subject to any liability in the democratic system and have spent the last 15 years profiting from public money through electoral campaigns?

Finally, that the 30-70 is definitely fair, there are many formulas in the world, from the majority to purely proportional, it is clear that alos affect small parties. But back to the point: these small parties are unrepresented social family business, who drink from the treasury for sistemaáticamente campaigns and disappear after the election. Lack

consolidate the party system, give them rules and boundaries, as well as the media! Both are basic institutions of a democratic system Why it never talk about our legislators?? Those are our real problems for those who do not move, not whether the IFE hired 10 or 20 spots.

And regarding the prohibition of the spots by anyone, I do not know if you know that NL works well, the Electoral Act does not limit the purchase of political spots to anyone and that is the main gap of wasted resources in our campaigns . This point I explored in my thesis. Without this limitation, it opens Pandora's box for the use of illegal funds, private forbidden, and so on. That is the crux of the zero control to parties that have in NL and also the main factor for the lack of fairness in the campaign.
Gabriela Salazar
************************************ ***********************
I agree with the argument of the excesses, but that does not justify prohibiting the spots. Now the excess will be worse and nobody will be able to control. The most serious, Armando, is that perhaps you do not really lived through the fight in the 90 open spaces for the media to opposition political parties. Now that space is closed under the pretext of using official times ...
mt
************************************* **********************
Yes, Gaby, but must have been restricted video-political, not prohibited. Now we were in the worst of all worlds, no video-politics, no Internet, no chance real to control costs and, worst of all, no real chance to oust the party that seized power, as happened in 97 or 2000.
On the other hand, worry about money I think is valid, but nothing like the TV to control campaign spending when spending is controlled, of course. As simple as hiring a monitoring firm to tell us how much was spent each party and in which channels are broadcast messages.
Now, the waste in the campaigns will be worse, and settlement policy by drug money and the casinos will not limit: who controls the money in the purchase of votes, who controls what is spent on campaigns door to door, who controls the money of patronage and utilities.

Closing the television space, now the door opened to circulate the dirty money ... and not likely to control.Antes, at least, they had recourse to the TV to counterbalance the despotism and clientelism, but what now? The argument that justifies the allocation formula of the official times for the fact that small parties are familiar, is not valid. I agree small parties are familiar, but this does not justify violating the principle of equality of conditions in the race. One thing is one thing and another thing is another thing ...! (Zitar)

In short, it took much effort to open space from TV to the opposition for now, with the opposition in power, so close again. It is the party-of which have talked about comentaristas.Si I remember 70% of voters entire campaign and the proposal of the candidates on TV, and now how you going to do ?....

mt

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The Opinion of September 11, 2007 the Draft Electoral Reform Act, see: here.

Friday, August 24, 2007

Could I Install Flight Simulator X From A Usb??

Electoral Reform in Mexico What is Political Communication?

ExtremeTracking dal review the program installed on this blog, I have found that a good number of those who have visited is that they seek answers to the question: What is Communication Policy?

To make a modest contribution to the knowledge of this fascinating subject, then I offer a brief introduction and a list of definitions. The information the return of my doctoral thesis entitled "An approach to the concept Political Communication: A proposed definition. " Anyone interested in a digitized copy, I can do is get by e-mail.

The cover text Democracy and Postmodernity, written by Javier del Rey Morato, displays a photograph whose caption displays words attributed to Wilbur Schramm, who was then read: "Politicians have to be experts in communication, because have to offer themselves, to present results and persuade voters, and decision makers, their way of thinking. "

not have wasted the quote above, and serves as a pretext to indicate that indeed, communication is the fundamental resource of politics (and one of the basic categories of democracy.) Currently, discussions are generated within an exchange of messages and responses from citizens to governments, and from there to the governed.

Given this scenario, would be only two forms of government: through coercion or consensus, ie the police or through political communication.

If we start with the assertion that we can not not communicate "a government at any level is forbidden not to communicate, then, is that the same citizens that governments need to reduce uncertainty between the two: the first on the view of these, and second on the opinion of those.

If we want to understand this kind of dynamics, not delayed more exposure to the commendable efforts that several authors have undertaken the construction of a state of the question about political communication.

Initially, Dan Nimmo and Keith R. Sanders, at the dawn of the nineties, they located the origins of political communication as defined field of study in the mid-twentieth century, and qualify as instructive and prophetic text Eulau, Eldersveld and Janowitz, entitled Political Behavior, published in 1956, describing the political communication as "a critical area, pop and mediator within the social sciences. "

Two works are essential to decant the status of the political communication as a study area, namely Handbook of Political Communication, written by Nimmo and Sanders, which draws up a summary of what researchers around the item until the seventies, and New Directions in Political Communication , which strengthens, updating the previous work, the study of communication in politics by emphasizing the new direction taken by research in the area.

No less important are the contributions of Candide Monsoon in Public opinion, political communication and , or those of Gilles Gauthier, André Gosselin and Jean Mouchon with the book Communication and Politics. It is also necessary to refer to the texts of Alejandro Muñoz Alonso and Juan Ignacio Rospir, political communication, that of Jean-Marc Ferry, Dominique Wolton et al New Public Space, by Oscar Ochoa, Political Communication and Public Opinion, or to Brian McNair, An Introduction to Political Communication.

Political Communication plays a fundamental role in the actions of political systems is the substance that feeds the various components and is essential for its operation. In this order of words is part of Robert Meadow, who Politics as Communication, communication defines politics as "the exchange of symbols and messages, to a significant extent, are shared by, or have consequences for the functioning of political system. "

Richard Fagen, Policy and Communications in one hand, assumes that "a communication activity is considered under its policy implications, and potential, it has to operate the political system." Blake and Harolds, the other, in A Taxonomy of concepts in Communication understand that political communication is one that "involves actual or potential effects on the functioning of a political state or other political entity."

Several authors, mainly American or American influence (David Paletz in Political Communication Research , Swanson with Handbook of Political Communication and Doris Graber through Mass Media and American Politics ) assume that communication dynamic policy covers all communication between rulers and ruled, or only among the first, or only the governed each other as long as such interaction entails political meanings. Jean Marie Cotteret

in Political Communication identifies the channels through which they travel the content of political communication. Therefore defined as "the exchange of information between governors and governed by Structural transmission channels and informal."

Jacques Gerstle believes that political communication plays its role when it is understood as "a set of techniques and procedures that have policy makers, and particularly the leaders, to attract, manage and persuade public opinion to do or not do something. "

Dan Nimmo and David Swanson assume that "a communication may be considered under the policy implications that regulate human behavior under certain conditions of conflict." Therefore, political communication defined as "the strategic use of communication to influence public knowledge, beliefs and action on public issues." Dominique Wolton

policy defines communication as "the space in which the exchange of contradictory discourses of the three actors who have the legitimacy to speak publicly on politics, and the politicians, journalists and public opinion through the polls. "