Friday, August 24, 2007

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Electoral Reform in Mexico What is Political Communication?

ExtremeTracking dal review the program installed on this blog, I have found that a good number of those who have visited is that they seek answers to the question: What is Communication Policy?

To make a modest contribution to the knowledge of this fascinating subject, then I offer a brief introduction and a list of definitions. The information the return of my doctoral thesis entitled "An approach to the concept Political Communication: A proposed definition. " Anyone interested in a digitized copy, I can do is get by e-mail.

The cover text Democracy and Postmodernity, written by Javier del Rey Morato, displays a photograph whose caption displays words attributed to Wilbur Schramm, who was then read: "Politicians have to be experts in communication, because have to offer themselves, to present results and persuade voters, and decision makers, their way of thinking. "

not have wasted the quote above, and serves as a pretext to indicate that indeed, communication is the fundamental resource of politics (and one of the basic categories of democracy.) Currently, discussions are generated within an exchange of messages and responses from citizens to governments, and from there to the governed.

Given this scenario, would be only two forms of government: through coercion or consensus, ie the police or through political communication.

If we start with the assertion that we can not not communicate "a government at any level is forbidden not to communicate, then, is that the same citizens that governments need to reduce uncertainty between the two: the first on the view of these, and second on the opinion of those.

If we want to understand this kind of dynamics, not delayed more exposure to the commendable efforts that several authors have undertaken the construction of a state of the question about political communication.

Initially, Dan Nimmo and Keith R. Sanders, at the dawn of the nineties, they located the origins of political communication as defined field of study in the mid-twentieth century, and qualify as instructive and prophetic text Eulau, Eldersveld and Janowitz, entitled Political Behavior, published in 1956, describing the political communication as "a critical area, pop and mediator within the social sciences. "

Two works are essential to decant the status of the political communication as a study area, namely Handbook of Political Communication, written by Nimmo and Sanders, which draws up a summary of what researchers around the item until the seventies, and New Directions in Political Communication , which strengthens, updating the previous work, the study of communication in politics by emphasizing the new direction taken by research in the area.

No less important are the contributions of Candide Monsoon in Public opinion, political communication and , or those of Gilles Gauthier, André Gosselin and Jean Mouchon with the book Communication and Politics. It is also necessary to refer to the texts of Alejandro Muñoz Alonso and Juan Ignacio Rospir, political communication, that of Jean-Marc Ferry, Dominique Wolton et al New Public Space, by Oscar Ochoa, Political Communication and Public Opinion, or to Brian McNair, An Introduction to Political Communication.

Political Communication plays a fundamental role in the actions of political systems is the substance that feeds the various components and is essential for its operation. In this order of words is part of Robert Meadow, who Politics as Communication, communication defines politics as "the exchange of symbols and messages, to a significant extent, are shared by, or have consequences for the functioning of political system. "

Richard Fagen, Policy and Communications in one hand, assumes that "a communication activity is considered under its policy implications, and potential, it has to operate the political system." Blake and Harolds, the other, in A Taxonomy of concepts in Communication understand that political communication is one that "involves actual or potential effects on the functioning of a political state or other political entity."

Several authors, mainly American or American influence (David Paletz in Political Communication Research , Swanson with Handbook of Political Communication and Doris Graber through Mass Media and American Politics ) assume that communication dynamic policy covers all communication between rulers and ruled, or only among the first, or only the governed each other as long as such interaction entails political meanings. Jean Marie Cotteret

in Political Communication identifies the channels through which they travel the content of political communication. Therefore defined as "the exchange of information between governors and governed by Structural transmission channels and informal."

Jacques Gerstle believes that political communication plays its role when it is understood as "a set of techniques and procedures that have policy makers, and particularly the leaders, to attract, manage and persuade public opinion to do or not do something. "

Dan Nimmo and David Swanson assume that "a communication may be considered under the policy implications that regulate human behavior under certain conditions of conflict." Therefore, political communication defined as "the strategic use of communication to influence public knowledge, beliefs and action on public issues." Dominique Wolton

policy defines communication as "the space in which the exchange of contradictory discourses of the three actors who have the legitimacy to speak publicly on politics, and the politicians, journalists and public opinion through the polls. "

Monday, August 13, 2007

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is the title of the chronicle written by Carlos Tello Diaz about the day's most important contemporary history of Mexico.

July 2 In (Planeta, 2007) we witness a strong narrative, extensive data-striking and full of astonishing revelations. Tello Díaz text becomes relevant particularly for the richness of its sources of direct and indirect.

The author, in just 178 pages, drawing up an accurate epitome of that election day.

The body of printed and audiovisual documents, some of them unpublished, which give body to the text of Tello Díaz, make it an indispensable historical record.

It brings together the key players in the race, candidates, officials, journalists, media, academics, pollsters, but most of all citizens.

The chronicle begins at 8 am, the polling officials to across the country are required to have everything ready at that time for citizens to cast their ballots at the polls.

This "coming to an end and most expensive elections the world's longest, an election that had cost the country a fortune: about 12 billion pesos, and they had lasted, without even the pre-campaign, an eternity, more than five long months. "

At that time, Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Luis Carlos Ugalde also were ready. The candidate of the Coalition for the Good of All would vote first. The president of IFE would later, it started at 8 am General Council meeting of the institute.

At that time, the house of Felipe Calderón "there was silence and peace in the morning air."

The last of the 20 chapters July 2 is located at 3 in the morning, coincides with the time they close their editions of newspapers. At that time, the PAN candidate and his team were confident of victory, Roberto Madrazo had already accepted defeat and López Obrador denounced fraud against him.

The rest of Mexico, meanwhile, hours before he went to bed not knowing who would be the next president.

Without exception, the books revolve around the elections of July 2, 2006 share one of two purposes: seek to document and seek to remove the allegation of electoral fraud flag PRD, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Tello Díaz text does not shy away for that purpose.

is in the search of the company where the author stumbles, which gives his detractors arguments to disqualify the book as a whole. He is also a columnist for the weekly Proceso and Milenio Diario, p. 160, says that AMLO said: "I lost."

He adds: "Andrés Manuel did not have the certainty of his defeat, but he had envisioned. And had taken, then the decision not to accept it. It was his breaking point on July 2. From that moment ... the decision to start lying. " Nobody

intimate group of Lopez Obrador support that version. All deny to Tello. But he insists: "My sources to recreate this scene, which is key, are all indirect, but reliable. " Is it?

Friday, August 10, 2007

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July 2 elections in Baja California 2007 President-elect


One of the features that characterize a democracy is: uncertainty, particularly in elections. Nothing is said until the last polls close and the last vote is counted.

So nobody should be fooled if the results produced by the polls do not match the data presented in the opinion poll published last year by the most reputed home days before polling day.

This is evidenced by the Mexican presidential election in 2006, and confirmed the election to renew the governor of Baja California in 2007.

In June 2006, according to most published surveys , Andrés Manuel López Obrador was emerging as the sure winner of the contest on July 2. But lost. In August 2007, judging by polls reform, Millennium and El Universal, the PRI candidate Jorge Hank Rhon seemed to walk towards the victory sign. Also lost.

Both the PRD and the PRI were hurt by the strong negative campaign launched against PAN party, which, coincidentally, in the two elections with one candidate ran for gray and unfriendly profile (Guadalupe Osuna and Felipe Calderón).

In 2006 and 2007, the National Action was right strategically guide the direction of the election into a referendum the opposition candidate. That is, voters appeared before the polls to vote for or against Lopez Obrador or Hank Rhon. In both cases the fear was imposed and the two candidates lost.

On July 2, 2006 and August 5, 2007, voters voted for change or continuity of the ruling party, the PAN, but to allow or prevent the coming to power of two characters with high popularity and close to the people, but at the same time, with increasing rates of rejection and negative opinion.

In Baja California and the rest of the country the year past, the fear generated in the majority of the electorate and the poor image of the opposition candidates (according to a survey Excelsior) , enable the PAN cling to power six years. *************


Examples of negative spots against AMLO and Hank Rhon:

1. López Obrador: Mexico Endangering .
2. Hank Rhon: I will buy them all.


PREP results in Baja California: Here .