Two
July, 2006: Mexico experienced the most competitive presidential election in its history. The war for power, particularly among PAN candidates (right) and PRD (left), left a trail of bitterness in its wake. Dispute that is mutated in post-election conflict, tested the institutional structure of Mexico.
journalist Jorge Fernández Menéndez developed damage count those days, "the most difficult that our democracy has ever faced," and makes it available in a book: Calderon, president. The power struggle (Grijalbo, 2007).
It told from a strictly personal point of view, as he himself says, "five months of wrangling and maneuvering of the open struggle for power. But not of the race itself, but those who go on the evening of election day on 1 December last year, when Felipe Calderón takes office as president.
In Calderon, president. The struggle for power attended a six-story interviews crossed at different times to the current Mexican President, who answers in three stages: as a candidate is elected president and chairman.
Perhaps the book that gives us the journalist also Excelsior offers its best lines in the final leg of its journey.
one hand, interviews with Calderón and living in Los Pinos, he admitted there was a possibility that the election had been annulled by three factors: the pressure exerted by AMLO, the fragility of the Electoral Tribunal and sowed doubts among the public about the legitimacy of his victory.
the other, the two annexes. A trial of Michelangelo Bovero ("Elections disputed"), published in Excelsior on September 8, 2006-three days earlier, the Court had given the record of President-elect Calderon. And an article in the same Jorge Fernández Menéndez which appeared in November but in the magazine Letras Libres .
In his speech, the Italian political scientist warns the presence, in the twenty-first century, a strange virus aggressor real democracies: the phenomenon of contested elections, questioned and challenged.
This presence is harmful to health of democracy is the result of four reasons, namely: a) the personalization of politics; b) the vertical of power, c) erosion of the party system, and d) simplification party system in a dichotomous form. In
why Mexico does not raise the Bronco? , meanwhile, Fernández Menéndez argues that violent social upheaval is far taken place in our country, despite "shortfalls government, inhibiting the use of public force, gaps and distortions of our political class and the weakness of certain institutions.
"And while, too, a guerrilla group that exists but can not transcend."
The author was grateful to be honest. Warns the reader that the text you have in your hands "does not attempt to disguise a false objectivity, inasmuch as the latter, which relates in his book is a story" again and again marked by the author's views. "
And maybe it means that what would be a fair collection of events raised between July and December last year, becomes article long-winded editorial.
words, the journalist uses a piece every other also to strike a long list of epithets against Andrés Manuel López Obrador, candidate of the left coalition (called For the Good of All), one of one page to another passes fascist coup.
The amount of ink that flows into the explanation of why AMLO lost the election, ignored the bottom of it, he mobilized his followers set up camp, disavowed autoungió institutions and legitimate president of Mexico, seems to contradict the cover and even the title of the text.
Recommended Reading: Michelangelo
Bovero, "Elections disputed" .
Jorge Fernández Menéndez, "Why not Mexico awakens the Bronco?" .
